Abstract

This article aims to investigate the role that translation officials played in the Qing dynasty (1636/1644-1912). Drawing from Han-language Qing historical records as well as secondary sources, the authors present the case of a non-Han dynasty embedding translation officials in almost all governmental agencies, and argue that such a strategic choice was a direct result of the non-Han dynasty’s reliance on translation officials in the process of State governance. This article also explains why the traditional system of translation officials implemented by previous Han Chinese dynasties underwent a dramatic change in the rule of non-Han dynasties and illustrates the impact this exerted on the status of translation officials.

Keywords: translation history, translation officials, government agencies, state governance, Qing dynasty

1. Introduction

Koskinen claims that the first step of governing by translation, that is, “using translating as a technique for ‘directing the conduct of the governed’ in multilingual government” (2014: 481), is to decide the governing language as well as how and to what extent translation is going to be institutionalized, which in turn implies a decision on the language and translation policies. However, ad hoc government institutions must be established prior to implementing linguistic or translation policies. Translators, as the main agents undertaking translation tasks, ought to be included in these ad hoc institutions. Scholars have investigated the roles that translators have played in the evolution of human thought, including inventing alphabets, enriching languages, encouraging the emergence of national literatures, disseminating knowledge, propagating religions, transmitting cultural values, writing dictionaries, and making histories (Delisle and Woodsworth 2012). Yet, the role that translators have played in the broad realm of State governance throughout history, and especially in dynastic China, has not received enough scholarly attention.

According to “Royal Regulations” (Wang zhi王制), included in The Classic of Rites (Liji 禮記), also known as Book of Rites, government translation posts in China date back to approximately 1000 BCE. “Existing Chinese translation histories all quote the Liji [Book of Rites] as the earliest record for translation posts (Ji, Xiang, Diti, and Yi) in the Zhou dynasty” (Hung 2005: 77). Under the policy of shutongwen,[1] Chinese, intended as the Han dialect, was regarded as the sole national language and Han script – what we now refer to as Chinese characters – as the exclusive national script of the entire nation. The ease of internal communication, or “interlingual communication” (ibid.: 75), that is to say communication among different domestic ethnic groups, was not a priority for the successive governors in the Han Chinese dynasties; therefore, translation activities were mainly relegated to the service of foreign affairs (ibid.:77) and domestic translation was seldom perceived as necessary.

To understand the historical situation, we must first come to grips with the fact that there were two kinds of governments in historic China: 1) Han-Chinese dynasties; 2) dynasties founded by foreigners. In the former type (such as Han, Tang, Song and Ming), translation work was related exclusively to foreign affairs; in the latter type (such as Liao, Jin, Yuan and Qing), a very substantial amount of administrative work involved translation because these governments had bilingual or multi-lingual policies. This meant that the government structures reflected the difference in translation needs and translator deployment. (ibid.: 76-7).

In other words, in previous Han-dynasties, due to the impact of the tongwen policy, the ease of internal communication was beyond the consideration of the governors, and the posts of translation officials were mainly under the departments of protocol and foreign affairs. For instance, there were three kinds of translation officials in the Han dynasty (202 BCE-220 CE): Director of Interpreting Prefects for Envoys from Surrendered States (jiuyiling 九譯令),[2] a subordinate of the Supervisor of Dependent States (dianshuguo 典屬國);[3] Director of Interpreting Prefects for Envoys from Vassal States (yiguanling 譯官令),[4] a subordinate of the Court for Diplomatic Receptions of Chamberlain for Dependencies (dahonglu 大鴻臚);[5] and Chief of Interpreters (yizhang 譯長), a eunuch responsible for greeting and assisting foreign envoys in court audiences, whose departmental affiliation was “protocol at court audiences for foreign envoys” (ibid.: 77). The Tang dynasty (618-907) witnessed the establishment of two types of translation officials, namely the official translators (yiyu 譯語) belonging to the Court of Dependencies also known as Court of State Ceremonial or Court of Diplomatic Receptions (honglusi 鴻臚寺) and the translators of foreign letters/writings, also known as fanshu yiyu (蕃書譯語),[6] in the Secretariat (zhongshu sheng 中書省), which was a department for making and drafting ordinances. Fanshu yiyu were “unranked functionaries” (ibid.) within the department of “foreign affairs” (ibid.). In the Song dynasty (960-1279), the Song government was often at war with the Khitans, Jurchens, Mongols, and Tangut people in the northern region. Interpreters were essential for negotiating with these peoples. Therefore, the government set the translation post of Interpreter-clerk (yiyu tongshi 譯語通事) in the Office for Tribute Envoys (sifang gongfeng shi 四方貢奉使) to overview interpreting between Han Chinese and foreign languages (Hsiao 1997: 35). In the Ming dynasty (1636/1644-1912), interpreters (tongshi 通事) and apprentice translators (yizi sheng譯字生) were embedded in the Interpreters Institute (huitong guan 會同館), a department of foreign affairs, and in the Translators Institute (siyi guan 四譯館),[7] an institute dedicated to the training of translators in foreign affairs (Hung 2005: 78).

Hung (1999: 225) argues that “the Chinese dynastic histories show that translation officials were under departments of protocol, and were never important posts.” It is true that translation officials in the Chinese dynasties were always in less important posts due to the fact that Han culture was historically regarded as superior and that the “mainstream Chinese intellectuals never considered it their duty to learn about the languages and cultures of other peoples in the region” (ibid.: 224).

This phenomenon, however, was disrupted in the foreign dynasties, that is, dynasties established by non-Han ruling groups.[8] In the alien regimes, as they are defined by Franke and Twitchett (2008), the ruling group maintained its own cultural identity while ruling over a multiethnic state including a large number of Han Chinese subjects, and controlled large territories that had long been ruled by the Han people. As argued by Sinor (1982: 176),

a powerful people will often impose its language on others, either by sheer force or, more often and more efficiently, by the prestige of its culture and by the material advantages attached to its knowledge.

In a multilingual and multiethnic context, the emperors of the non-Han dynasties saw it necessary to adopt ad hoc measures to implement effective governance. Therefore, under the rule of ethnic minorities, the political importance of the ruling group’s language noticeably increased. Nevertheless, the majority of the population was still ethnically Han; therefore, the new governors had to adapt their governance to the multilingualism of their territories. As Franke and Twitchett (2008: 30) emphasize, “the problems of governing and administering a polyethnic society are inevitably linked with the linguistic situation.” In the circumstance of multilingualism, the foreigner officials in the bureaucracy admittedly had to rely on interpreters and translators if their Chinese language skills were not sufficient. Likewise, those Han officials who were not proficient in the language of the ruling group also had to rely on interpreters and translators to communicate with the emperor as well as their foreign colleagues.

In other words, the ruling group in the alien regimes was keen to maintain its own cultural identity. At the same time, it had to rule over a multiethnic State in which a large part of the population was ethnically Han Chinese. In this context, the rulers were inclined to learn from the governance experience of previous Han Chinese dynasties because, while wanting to preserve their cultural identity and political status, they lacked practical governance experience within territories mostly inhabited by the Hans. Translation thus became an essential way to govern and administer a polyethnic and polyphonic empire as well as to maintain the language and cultural identities of the ruling group. In such a multilingual scenario, officials in the bureaucracy relied largely on interpreters and translators. In addition, the communication between the ruling class and the governed also relied on translation. All non-Han Chinese dynasties had translation officials embedded in different levels of the governmental departments.

The methods of State governance in the non-Han dynasties were quite different from the traditional systems of the previous Han dynasties, and their translation practices were no exception. This was exemplified by the posts of translation officials in governmental agencies. For instance, in the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368),[9] in order to facilitate domestic communication among peoples belonging to a different ethnicity, different kinds of translation officials including bičikeči (clercs, scribes, and secretaries), yishi (translator-clerks), tongshi (interpreter-clerks), kelemurci (Mongolian word for translators and interpreters), and shuxie (scribes or secretariat drafters), were embedded in almost all governmental agencies. This system of translation officials was inherited and developed in the Qing dynasty, which was also governed by a non-Han ruling class, namely the Manchus.

Compared to the Yuan dynasty, the categories of translation officials in the Qing dynasty were more varied. There were dorgi bithesi (translators and scribes in the Grand Secretariat), bithesi (translators and scribes designed for the Eight Banners),[10] geren giltusi (a scholastic title during the Ming and Qing dynasty which means “all good men of virtue”), ubaliyambure hafan (officials responsible for translating), and tongshi (interpreters).

The translation officials in the Qing dynasty have drawn much scholarly attention. Numerous scholars focus on the basic historical facts of the translation officials in the Qing dynasty. For example, some scholars in the field of Qing historical studies have explored, among others, the figure of bithesi (e.g. Yang 1984; Li 1994; Shen 2006a; Zhao 2006; Shi and Wei 2015; Wang 2015a), geren giltusi (e.g. Zou 2010, 2013; Wang 2015b), and qixinlang (e.g. Shen 2006b). Some scholars (e.g. Yeh 2017; Shi 2018; Song 2019) have also examined the quota of different translation posts. Based on these studies, this article sets out to review the role that translation officials played in the Qing dynasty. There is an important scholarship, especially in Chinese, on Qing translation policies and/or Manchu-Mongolian translation. Here, in particular, we would like to mention Bagen 巴根 (2004) and Sun Zhongqiang 孫中強 (2017) . The former makes use of Manchu and Mongolian historical sources to examine in detail the institutional arrangements of translation institutions, staffing and talent cultivation, while the latter consciously evaluates the translation policies of the Qing Dynasty from the perspectives of language planning and ethnic integration. These two scholars particularly highlight translation as an important aspect of linguistic and ethnic policies. This paper sets out to review the positions responsible for translations in the Qing government and their attributes, as well as the content of their work. As will be argued, these translators were indispensable in facilitating communication within the empire, maintaining imperial government, ethnic policy, and even protecting the privileges of elite groups.

As far as historical materials are concerned, this paper focuses on Han Chinese documents, supplemented by observations on the Manchu language archives from secondary sources, including the Veritable Records (Shilu 實錄) of the rulers of the Qing dynasty or the Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty (Da-Qing huidian 大清會典), which is the largest jurisdictional corpus on administrative matters compiled during the Qing period.[11] The Qing dynasty entered Beijing in 1644 and ruled China proper from 1644 to 1912. This was the period when the Qing government ruled the vast Central Plains, mainly inhabited by the Hans, and Chinese was already the main target language for the Qing government to maintain imperial communication. Many of the translation positions and jobs can be analyzed and reviewed from Chinese language historical archives. In addition, the preservation of Chinese language translation activities and related archival records helped to consolidate the legitimacy of the empire. Therefore, by focusing on Chinese language historical materials, this paper can provide a preliminary clarification of the overall situation of translation activities in the Qing Empire.

On a final note, we attempted to identify and analyze written historical records of official history due to the fact that evidence about language policy in imperial China comes from more systematically collected records in standard histories across the dynasties. As Lung (2011, XIII) argues, “the limitation of these official histories has, nevertheless, been that they were largely commissioned by the ruling dynasties and therefore could be taken to be suspect in their descriptive honesty.” “Historical filtering undoubtedly darkens the glass we are looking through” (Pym 2014, 85). Even so, the Chinese voluminous written compilation of histories from various sources in the tradition of Chinese historiography provides relatively complete accounts of people and events throughout the five thousand years of Chinese history. However, such a historiographical method is to be adopted with the due caveats and cannot be said to be without pitfalls, yet it is a widely used methodology in Chinese historiography (e.g., Hung 1999; Lung 2009; Lotze 2016; Chi 2019).

2. Duties and distribution of translation officials in the Qing dynasty

According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, “the Qing dynasty was first established in 1636 by the Manchus to designate their regime in Manchuria (now the Northeast region of China). In 1644 the Chinese capital at Beijing was captured by the rebel leader Li Zicheng, and desperate Ming dynasty officials called on the Manchus for aid. The Manchus took advantage of the opportunity to seize the capital and establish their own dynasty in China. By adopting the Ming form of government and continuing to employ Ming officials, the Manchus pacified the Chinese population.”[12] In 1644, Manchu troops entered Beijing, and the Shunzhi Emperor[13] (r. 1644-1661), who was then six years old, ascended the throne. Prior to his enthronement, Nurhaci[14] (r. 1559-1626) had set out to establish an empire which allowed the co-participation of Han Chinese and Mongols. After Nurhaci’s death, Huang Taiji (1592-1643), formerly referred to as Abahai in Western literature and father of the Shunzhi Emperor (r. 1643-1661), built on the accomplishments of his father and consolidated the conceptual and institutional foundation for a Qing empire by drawing heavily on Ming traditions.[15] Therefore, numerous officials from the former Ming dynasty (1368-1644) were recruited in the governmental agencies of the Qing dynasty (Xu 2009: 17).

In this context, considering the linguistic differences between Han Chinese and Manchu, how did Manchus and Han officials communicate? How did the Manchus come to rule the vast territories of the former Ming dynasty? These became urgent issues for the Qing emperor to tackle. Embedding translation officials, such as dorgi bithesi, bithesi, geren giltusi, ubaliyambure hafan and tongshi (interpreters), at different levels of governmental institutions was thus perceived as one of the ways to solve this problem. Among the translation officials, tongshi was the only translational post in charge of interpreting. It was also known as tongguan, tongshiguan, or tongshi sheren (通事舍人 Secretarial Receptionist). Since there was no main difference between the duties of tongshi in the Qing dynasty and in the previous dynasties, we will only analyze the duties and distribution of other translation officials.

2.1 Duties and distribution of Dorgi bithesi

In Manchu, which was one of the official languages of the Qing dynasty, dorgi bithesi means “secretariat drafter.” Dorgi bithesi served as clerical workers in the Grand Secretariat, which was established in 1659, on the basis of the previous Ming system (Yeh 2017: 5). In the Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty, Era of Kangxi (Daqing huidian kangxi chao大清會典·康熙朝), it is recorded that,

Routine memorials submitted by all Yamen [the administrative office or residence of a local bureaucrat or mandarin in imperial China] and memorials submitted by all officials, if written in Manchu, should be endorsed by the Grand Academician together with Academicians prior to being presented to the emperor; if drafted solely in Chinese or Mongolian, they must be translated by dorgi bithesi [the translators and scribes in the Grand Secretariat]. They should be either translated completely or paraphrased by summarizing the main points. (The Grand Secretariat, in Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty, Era of Kangxi, Vol. 2; Isangga 2016: 8)[16]

Therefore, one main duty of dorgi bithesi was to translate official documents. The Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty, Era of Jiaqing (Qinding daqing huidian, jiaqing chao 欽定大清會典·嘉慶朝) records that the Chinese Documents Section was “responsible for receiving and sending the routine memorials submitted by the local officials and decide which one should be translated first according to the degree of urgency. The routine memorials written only in Chinese without a Manchu translation, should be translated into Manchu according to the summary of the Chinese version by the translation officials in this section” (Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty, Era of Jiaqing [Qinding daqing huidian, jiaqing chao 欽定大清會典·嘉慶朝], Vol.2; Tojin 1991: 70). After being translated, these documents would be transcribed by the Manchu Documents Section, and then handed over to the Registry, whence officials would send them out according to the degree of urgency. In addition, “the routine memorials submitted by the provinces, which were not drafted in Manchu, should be sent to the Grand Secretariat by the Office of Transmission (tongzheng shi 通政使). Then, the Grand Secretariat would hand such routine memorials over to the Chinese Documents Section to translate them into Manchu” (Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty [Qinding daqing huidian zeli 欽定大清會典則例], Vol. 2; Yūn too 1983: 4). The Mongolian Documents Section was in charge of translating from the other ethnic languages or languages of the tributary countries into Manchu.

According to Yeh (2017), there were three types of dorgi bithesi: Manchurian dorgi bithesi, Mongolian dorgi bithesi, and Han Chinese dorgi bithesi. These three types of dorgi bithesi were clerical workers in the Manchu Documents Section, the Mongolian Documents Section and the Chinese Documents Section (Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty [Qinding daqing huidian zeli 欽定大清會典則例], Vol. 2; Yūn too 1983: 3). Based on the records in the Daqing wuchao huidian (大清五朝會典),[17] Yeh (2017: 5-6) counted the quota of different types of dorgi bithesi under the reigns of different Qing emperors: there were 107 dorgi bithesi (75 Manchurian, 19 Mongolian and 13 Han Chinese) in the Kangxi Emperor’s reign (1661-1722); there were 88 dorgi bithesi (64 Manchurian, 16 Mongolian and 8 Han Chinese) in the Yongzheng Emperor’s reign (1723-1735). Since the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (1735-1795), there were 94 dorgi bithesi (64 Manchurian, 16 Mongolian and 8 Han Chinese) with 46 additional aisilambi dorgi bithesi (40 Manchurian and 6 Mongolian). From the Jiaqing Emperor’s reign (1796-1820) to the Guangxu Emperor’s reign (1875-1908), there were 106 dorgi bithesi (90 Manchurian, 18 Mongolian and 8 Han Chinese) with 54 extra aisilambi[18] dorgi bithesi (48 Manchurian and 6 Mongolian).

The number of dorgi bithesi during the Yongzheng Emperor’s reign decreased significantly from 107 to 88. This is due to the fact that in 1699 “Guo Jincheng (郭金城 1660-1700), a royal scribe (yushi 御史), submitted a memorial to suggest that the redundant staff of the administrative offices should be cut” (Kurene 2009, T07248). That is when the governmental agencies began to shed workers (Yeh 2017: 6). In addition, since the Council of State (junjichu 軍機處) was established in 1730, part of the translation tasks were undertaken by the Council of State (Zhao 1992: 26). From the beginning of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (1736-1796), the number of dorgi bithesi began to increase due to the appointment of Manchurian aisilambi dorgi bithesi and Mongolian aisilambi dorgi bithesi (Yeh 2017: 6-7). According to the History Compiled on Imperial Command (Huangchao wenxian tongkao 皇朝文獻通考), an administrative history compiled on imperial command between 1747 and 1784, in 1738 at the request of Ortai[19] (1677-1745), a Manchurian aisilambi dorgi bithesi was appointed for the first time; the reason is explained in the following record:

[The third year of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign] The Grand Academicians including Ortai submitted a memorial to the emperor: there are 72 Manchurian dorgi bithesi in our Yamen [the administrative office or residence of a local bureaucrat or mandarin in imperial China], nine from each banner [Eight Banners]. Of them, 40 in the Manchu Documents Section are in charge of the transcription of the Manchu imperial edicts, patents by command conferring titles of honor of officials below rank 5, palace memorials and routine memories […]. The other 32 in the Chinese Documents Section are responsible for the translation of the imperial edicts, palace memorials, and routine memories. With so much translation work, the existing dorgi bithesi in the Manchu and Chinese documents sections do not suffice. At the request of the Grand Ministers, 24 Manchurian aisilambi dorgi bithesi are attached to the Manchu Documents Section. Conventionally, these posts should be selected through translation examination from tribute students and national university students, official students and unofficial students by our Yamen together with the senior officials. 16 Manchurian aisilambi dorgi bithesi are added to the Chinese Documents Section. Conventionally, these posts should also be selected through translation examination from registered translators by our Yamen together with the senior officials in the Ministry of Personnel. (Selection, Vol. 50, in Huangchao wenxian tongkao; Ji 1983a: 15-16)

In 1744, the ninth year of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (1735-1795), six Mongolian aisilambi dorgi bithesi were also attached to the Grand Secretariat (Authorized Records of the Eight Banners [Qinding baqi tongzh i欽定八旗通志],Vol. 51; in Tiyeboo 1983: 18; Yeh 2017: 7). Therefore, during the Qianlong Emperor’s reign, the number of dorgi bithesi increased to 140. Later, during the reigns of Jiaqing and Guangxu, the number reached 170, almost doubling compared to the amount during the reign of the Yongzheng Emperor. The increase of Manchurian dorgi bithesi, as illustrated in the previous record, not only demonstrates that the governors in the Qing dynasty attached great importance to translation,[20] but also seems to prove that the implemented system of translation officials was an effective method to maintain the interests and status of the banners, because only eight banners could be appointed as dorgi bithesi. However, this preliminary conclusion warrants further investigation of both primary and secondary sources to reach a more rigorous and comprehensive understanding.

2.2 Duties and distribution of Bithesi

Bithesi was a translation post designed for the banners. Only the Eight Banners, the Manchus in particular, could serve as bithesi. According to the Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty, “the ways the Manchus began a career in government service included examination, inheritance, donation, or evaluation. There was no difference with the Han people, except for the recruitment of bithesi” (Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty [Qingshi Gao 清史稿], Vol. 110; Zhao 1977: 3213). That is to say, “bithesi was a shortcut for the Manchus to work in governmental agencies.” (Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty [Qingshi Gao 清史稿], Vol. 114; Zhao 1977: 3265) In the early days of the Qing dynasty, the Grand Academicians such as Dahai (1595-1632), Erdeni (1592-1634), Sonin (1601-1667) were all military officials in the beginning (ibid.: 3265). With the mastery of the national script, they were granted the role of baksi [teacher], which was later renamed bithesi” (ibid.:3265). Therefore, bithesi was also known as a “place where civil servants can be cultivated and many senior officials once worked in this post” (Miscellaneous Discussions Whilst Listening to The Rain [Ting yu cong tan 聽雨叢談], Vol.1; Fuge 1984: 22).

The post of bithesi, formerly called baksi, was established during the Tianming Emperor’s reign (1616-1626) (Zhao 2006:59).[21] The first time it was referred to as bithesi was in 1629 (ibid.), when the Wenguan[22] (Literary Institute) was established (Shen 2006a: 58). In Veritable Records of Emperor Taizong (Daqing taizong huangdi shilu 大清太宗文皇帝實錄), it is recorded that,

The emperor ordered the scholar-officials to be divided into two groups. Dahai, who was a baksi, together with four bithesi, Ganglin, Sukai, Gûlmahûn and Tuobuqi were in charge of translating Chinese books. Kūrcan, who was also a baksi, that is a teacher, together with four bithesi, Wubashi, Zhasuga, Huqiu, and Zhanba were in charge of recording state affairs. (Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty, Veritable Records of Emperor Taizong, Vol. 5, Ortai 1985: 70)

In 1629, both bithesi and baksi were used. Even so, here baksi only refers to the title which was granted by the emperor rather than common clerks. In 1631, Six Ministries were established (Shen 2006a: 58; Zhao 2006: 59). The status of bithesi was determined in the official system, consisting of Prince of the Third Rank or Beile (貝勒), Executive (Chengzheng 承政), Assistant or Vice Minister (Shilang 侍郎), Qixinlang (啟心郎, literally clerks who clarify thoughts or interpreters), Bithesi (筆帖式, translators and scribes designed for the Eight Banners), Zhangjing (章京, secretary [civil] or adjutant [military]), and Chairen (差人, yamen runners) (Zhao 2006: 59). At the same time, “it was stipulated that the title baksi would be renamed bithesi, and it should no longer be used, except for the position granted directly by the emperor” (System of Functioning Officials, part 1, in History Compiled on Imperial Command [Huangchao wenxian tongkao 皇朝文獻通考], Vol. 77; Ji 1983a: 14-15).

Li (1994: 90-91) argues that bithesi had three main duties: translation, transcription, and management of archives. In the Imperial Comprehensive Treatises (Huangchao tongzhi 皇朝通志) it is recorded that,

In all the Si [police office for a small area distant from a district town] and Yamen [the administrative office or residence of a local bureaucrat or mandarin in imperial China], there are Manchurian bithesi, Mongolian bithesi, and Han Chinese bithesi in charge of translating Manchu and Chinese memorials and official documents. It corresponds to the post of lingshi [clerks] and yishi [translators] in the Jin dynasty established by Jurchens, as well as the Mongolian bičikeči in the Yuan dynasty. The system of bithesi has inherited the system of lingshi [clerks] from the previous dynasties. Unlike the Tang and Song dynasties, in which the post was trivial, the distribution of bithesi is wide and there are numerous promotion opportunities. Therefore, compared to the previous dynasties, the position has acquired an unprecedented dignity. (Imperial Comprehensive Treatises, Vol. 64; Ji 1983b: 14-15）

Therefore, one of the main duties of bithesi was the translation of official documents from Chinese to Manchu, or vice versa. The Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty records that there were translation bithesi, transcription bithesi, and aisilambi bithesi (Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty [Qingshi Gao 清史稿], Vol. 110; Zhao 1977: 3213).[23] According to the Imperial Comprehensive Treatises, we can see that in terms of family background and ethnic origin, bithesi could be divided into Manchus, Mongols, and Chinese Armies. In addition, there were also imperial clansmen serving as bithesi.

Bithesi were to be found in almost all governmental agencies. “The posts of bithesi were attached to all departments at the capital [Beijing], the five ministries in the old capital [Shenyang], as well as offices lead by the Generals, Commander-in-chief and Vice Commander-in-chief” (Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty [Qingshi Gao 清史稿], Vol. 110; Zhao 1977: 3213). As for the number of bithesi in different governmental agencies, scholars hold different opinions. On the basis of the Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty and History Compiled on Imperial Command, Zhao (2006:65-67) calculates that there were more than 1650 bithesi. Shi and Wei (2015:48-50) calculate that there were 1571 bithesi based on historical records such as the Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty, History Compiled on Imperial Command and Precedents and Regulations Supplementary to the Collected Statutes of the Great Qing Dynasty (Daqing huidian shili 大清會典事例), while Yeh (2017: 7-8) argues that the number of bithesi was 1919 during the Kangxi Emperor’s reign, 1802 during the Yongzheng Emperor’s reign, 1901 during the Qianlong Emperor’s reign, 2039 during the Jiaqing Emperor’s reign, and 2029 during the Guangxu Emperor’s reign. Scholars draw different conclusions because they adopt different statistical approaches. Regardless of the adopted method, the above statistics show that there were at least 1500 bithesi: a number which was larger than the total number of translation officials in the Yuan dynasty,[24] for example, another non-Han dynasty. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that as one indispensable element of the bureaucratic system, bithesi were embedded in all the central and local governments of the Qing dynasty. They had formed a large interconnected group, which was in charge of translation prior to decision-making, transcription after the decision-making, and the daily management of archives (Shi and Wei 2015: 47).

The status and recruitment of bithesi are documented in the Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty as follows: 

[Bithesi] rank from 7A to 9B.[25] Bithesi may begin their career in government service by inheritance, donation, evaluation, and examination. All persons including civil and military provincial graduates of translation, tribute and national university students, civil and military government students of translation, official students and unofficial students, courageous guards and unassigned bannermen, imperial armies and lingcui [also known as bošokū, the lowest ranking banner officers] and ulin i niyalma can take the examination. The candidate provincial graduates and tribute students may be granted rank 7A and 7B; government students and national university students may be granted rank 8A and 8B; official and unofficial students, courageous guards and unassigned bannermen may be granted rank 9A and 9B. The established vacancies of administrative aide in the Six Ministries are 140, among which, 85 are for the Manchus and the Mongols. Therefore, these vacancies are easily filled. It only takes a few years for bithesi to be promoted to administrative aides. (Selection Officials, Vol. 110, in the Provisional History of the Qing Dynasty; Zhao 1977: 3213-14)

As for the duties of bithesi, different scholars hold different views. Yang (1984: 87) notes that bithesi played a significant role in the decision-making system of the Qing dynasty. Yang argues that bithesi helped supervise the words and deeds of local officials, investigated their loyalty to the central government, and then promptly reported to the emperor. On the other hand, they were directly stationed in the prefectures and yamen [the administrative office or residence of a local bureaucrat or mandarin in imperial China] of all provinces and the main armies in the war zones to follow the army, inspect and supervise the implementation of the central decision-making; then they transmitted the military information to the top decision-makers through the communication system (ibid.).

2.3 Duties and distribution of Geren giltusi

In Manchu the noun phrase Geren giltusi, also known in Chinese as shujishi (庶吉士), means “all good men of virtue” or “a host of fortunate scholars”. This post was installed in 1385 by Emperor Taizu (1559-1626) in the Ming dynasty (Wu 1997: 33). The title shujishi was granted solely to the metropolitan graduates (jinshi 進士), that is those intellectuals who passed the imperial exams (選舉二，志46，Vol. 70, History of Ming Dynasty; Wu 1997: 33). The system of shujishi was followed by the Qing dynasty. In the Ming dynasty, shujishi had nothing to do with translation work. This post was regarded as a rigorous training program to prepare future high-ranking civil officials for political office so that persons who took these posts would be capable of serving as prime ministers (Wu 1997: 35). Thus, to some extent, the shujishi system, as a pre-service training program for senior officials in the bureaucracy, reflected the pinnacle of the imperial examination system in late imperial China (Wu 1997: 33). In the Qing dynasty, since the selection of candidates for the shujishi was dominated by Han metropolitan graduates, and the Manchu emperors expected these Han metropolitan graduates to be fluent in Manchu, the shujishi system in that period was not only the inheritance of the Ming ruling system, but also served as a tool by the Manchu rulers to popularize the Manchu language among Han officials, bring together Han intellectuals, and promote Manchu-Chinese communication (Wang 2015: 37). It was only in this way that shujishi had the function of translation.

In the early period of the Qing dynasty, both Hanlin[26] scholars and shujishi were subordinate to Three Palace Academies (nei san yuan 內三院) (Wu 1984: 76): the Palace Historiographic Academy (nei guoshi yuan 內國史院), the Palace Secretariat Academy (nei mishu yuan 內秘書院), and the Palace Academy for the Advancement of Literature (nei hongwen yuan 內弘文院). In 1658, the Three Palace Academies were reorganized into the Grand Secretariat (nei ge 內閣) and the Hanlin Academy was set up separately (Wu 1984: 76).[27] Wu (1984; 1997), Wang (2015), and Zou (2010) show that the proportion of shujishi learning Manchu started to decrease from the Yongzheng reign, corresponding to the rapid Sinicization of the Manchus, which made it less necessary for Han officials to learn Manchu.

Since the establishment of the Qing dynasty, the Qing government adhered to the national policy of “Manchuria First.”[28] Under this policy, the status and interests of the Eight Banners was considered a top priority. However, with the sharp decline in the proportion of Shujishi who learned Manchu, the deepening of the Manchu-Han fusion, and the relative weakness of the Eight Banners Hanlin under the strength of the Han Chinese Hanlin, the promotion path of the translation shujishi was too narrow (Zou 2010: 16-17). In order to remedy the inferior position of the Eight Banners in the Hanlin Academy, the Daoguang Emperor decided to select “translation shujishi” from those who had passed the translation subject of imperial exams (Zhongguo di yi lishi dang’an guan [First Historical Archives of China] 2000: 171; Zou 2010: 14). In 1847 the Grand Academician, the Grand Minister of State, and the Ministry of Personnel presented nine article amendments to attempt to solve the problem of the inferior position of the Eight Banners in the Hanlin Academy, the first of which was: “the Metropolitan graduate who passes the translation examination can be selected to be shujishi” (Wenqing 1986: 3). In addition, the examination, promotion, appointment and other aspects of translation shujishi are stipulated in detail in the amendments (Wenqing 1986: 549-50; Zou 2010: 14-15).

Since then, the selection of translation shujishi gradually became institutionalized. According to Zou (2010: 16), there were 43 translation shujishi from the 27^th year of the Daoguang Emperor’s reign (1847) to the 30^th year of the Guangxu Emperor’s reign (1904), among which seven were selected during the Daoguang Emperor’s reign, 11 during the Xianfeng Emperor’s reign, two during the Tongzhi Emperor’s reign, and 23 during the Guangxu Emperor’s reign. Table 1 shows that among them, 29 (26 junior compliers and 3 examining editors) were appointed as Hanlin Scholars, accounting for 69.7%; those who came out of the Hanlin Academy were mainly accepted by the Six Ministries: 10 were appointed as Administrative Aide, accounting for 23.2%; one was appointed as Secretary in the Grand Secretariat and one was appointed in the District Magistrate, while the other two were not appointed probably due to the fact that there was no task of compilation and translation (Zou 2010: 16).

Hence, it can be seen that translation shujishi performed a variety of translation tasks in different executive and administrative institutions; they played an important role at all levels and were essential to the smooth operation of governmental agencies.

Table 1. The quota of translation shujishi[29]. Adapted from Zou (2010, 16)

The status and salaries of translation shujishi did not differ from other kinds of shujishi. However, their only duty was to study translation from Manchu into Mongolian and vice versa (Song 2019: 183). Therefore, it is reasonable to say that the establishment of translation shujishi provided a new way for the scholars of the Eight Banners to be appointed as senior civil servants in higher ranks. To a certain extent, it also increased the attraction of the imperial translation examination. However, in order to take the imperial translation examination, the examinees had to take the horsemanship and archery test first. In this way, the national policy of Guoyu-Qishe 國語騎射 (the Manchu Language and Horsemanship-Archery Program) was carried out;[30] at the same time, the Eight Banners had more chances to become scholars of the Hanlin Academy (Zou 2010: 17). Therefore, it seems fair to say that translation shujishi played a specific role in preserving Manchu national characteristics and improving the abilities of the Eight Banners. In short, from the perspective of the history of the Chinese political system, the post of shujishi was not originally related to translation, but was a conduit for the pre-service training of high-ranking civil officials. They were distributed among the central government’s most central departments to acquire the skills of civil officials in the bureaucracy, thus highlighting the emperor’s further control over the promotion of talents (Wu 1984: 75). Since the Qing dynasty was founded by the Manchus, when they followed the Ming dynasty’s system of the Three Palace Academies in order to strengthen the monarchy, the establishment of shujishi was inherited as well. However, due to the practical need to communicate with the Manchu rulers under the minority regimes, shujishi needed to learn Manchu and thus took the responsibility of translation. From this perspective, shujishi had the effect of bridging the Manchu and Chinese at the beginning of the Qing dynasty, helping to stabilize the empire founded by an ethnic minority. However, the shujishi’s translation function became increasingly weak, and after the Daoguang reign, it was reduced to a tool to protect the weak Eight Banners Hanlin. We can say that shujishi gradually lost the translation function as early as Yongzheng with the degree of Manchu Sinicization. Nonetheless, we still believe that at least during the Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns shujishi were still useful for the function of imperial translation. This is just a preliminary hypothesis which is also embraced by some Chinese scholars such as Zou (2010) and, hopefully, will be corroborated by further evidence in our future research.

2.4 Duties and distribution of Ubaliyambure hafan

According to the Imperial Revised Textual Mirror (Yuzhi zengding qingwen jian御製增訂清文鑒), Ubaliyambure hafan in Han Chinese is fanyiguan (翻譯官), which literally means translation clerks (“設官部．臣宰類．翻譯官” Imperial Revised Textual Mirror [Yuzhi zengding qingwen jian御製增訂清文鑒], Vol. 4; Fuheng 1983: 26; Yeh 2017: 12).[31] The post of Ubaliyambure hafan was established to support the compiling officials to translate the historical records of the successive emperors in the Qing dynasty. According to Deng (2021: 65-66), Ubaliyambure in Manchu language only refers to internal language exchange between Manchu, Han Chinese and Mongolian and it cannot be used to describe language activities concerning external diplomatic relations. The translation texts include books, imperial edicts, and routine memorials related to administration and education. Deng (2021: 65) thus argues that the establishment of Ubaliyambure hafan was not intended for foreign translation and communication, but mainly for the Manchu-Chinese or Manchu-Mongolian translation of archival documents. The position was therefore of a more ethnic policy nature.

According to the thirteenth article in the Archives of Palace Memorials in the Veritable Records of Emperor Renzong in the Qing Dynasty (Qing renzong shilu guan zouzhe dang shisan 清仁宗實錄館奏摺檔·十三):

There are three versions of each of the Qing Veritable Records, drafted in the three languages, Han Chinese, Manchu, and Mongolian, each in five copies (while the Mongolian version comprises only four), one version embroidered in gold satin, and four in damask. Of the versions with the damask lining, one is stored in the Qianqing Palace, one in the Capital Archive, and one in the library of the Grand Secretariat. These three copies are drafted in Han Chinese, Manchu, and Mongolian. The last copy with the damask lining is written solely in Han Chinese and Manchu, rather than Mongolian, and is stored in the Chongmo Hall in the imperial palace in Mukden [also known as Shengjing 盛京, now Shenyang]. (Gugong buwuyuan wenxianguan [Palace Museum Library and Literature Museum] 1936, 8)

Therefore, the histories known as veritable records of the successive emperors in the Qing dynasty were conventionally written in three versions, namely in Manchu, in Mongolian, and in Han Chinese. Translation clerks were indispensable to accomplish such an arduous task.

Table 2. The numbers of translation clerks in charge of the compilation of veritable records
of the successive Qing emperors (according to the Veritable Records of the Qing Emperors;
translated and adapted from Yeh 2017: 13-14)

Based on the Veritable Records of the Qing Emperors, Yeh (2017) counted the number of translation clerks in charge of the compilation of historical records of the successive Qing emperors. Table 2 shows that the number of translation clerks accounts for 7.9% minimum to 19.8% maximum. In the Collected Statutes of the Great Qing, Era of Kangxi (Daqing huidian kangxi chao 大清會典·康熙朝), it is recorded that,

For the compilation of Veritable Records and Imperial Edicts and Instructions, the grand academicians serve as the chief compiler, director-general and director-general official […] The appointment of shouzhang [archivist, or unranked clerical functionaries], sarkiyame arara hafan [examination copyist] and ubaliyambure hafan [officials responsible for translating, also known as translation clerks] is decided by the chief compiler and director-general. (Collected Statutes of the Qing Dynasty, Kangxi Version [Daqing huidian Kangxi chao 大清會典·康熙朝], Vol.2; Isangga 2016, 6-7)

In other words, the post of officials in charge of translating documents was established with the explicit aim to compile historical records. According to Yeh (2017: 14), only in the Sino-Manchu translation office or dorgi bithe ubaliyambure boo (nei fanshu fang 内翻書房),[32] there were translation clerks working full-time. However, the number of Ubaliyambure hafan in the dorgi bithe ubaliyambure boo was not fixed. By the fifteenth year of Emperor Qianlong’s reign (1750), 20 posts were provided. Later, in 1762, 10 posts were abolished (Qinggui 1985: 437). According to the Collected Statutes of the Great Qing, Era of Jiaqing, during the reign of the Jiaqing Emperor, the number of Ubaliyambure hafan in the dorgi bithe ubaliyambure boo reached up to 40 (Collected Statutes of the Great Qing, Era of Jiaqing, Vol.2; Tojin 1991: 14; Yeh 2017: 15). It can be seen that the number of translation clerks was not fixed and they were recruited based on the contingent necessity to compile the historical records of the successive emperors in the Qing dynasty.

3. Conclusion, limitations of the study and future research

In this article we investigated how the governors in the Qing dynasty embedded translation officials in the governmental agencies to implement the principle of governing by translation, that is, “using translating as a technique for ‘directing the conduct of the governed’ in multilingual government” (Koskinen 2014: 481). Our review shows that establishing translation posts was a conventional way to govern by translation in the imperial Chinese dynasties. However, due to the impact of the tongwen policy, the ease of internal communication was not the main concern of the governors and the posts of translation officials were mainly under the departments of protocol and foreign affairs. There was not a conspicuous number of translation officials and their status was low.

This phenomenon was disrupted during the foreign dynasties, especially in the two unified foreign dynasties, the Yuan (Mongols) and Qing (Manchus) dynasties. In a multilingual and multiethnic context, the Emperors of the non-Han dynasties were somehow more inclined to adopt ad hoc measures to implement effective governance. On the one hand, the ruling group in the non-Han regimes had to maintain their own cultural identity. On the other hand, they had to rule over a multiethnic state in which a large part of the population was ethnically Han Chinese. In this context, the rulers were inclined to learn from the governance experience of previous Han Chinese dynasties because, while wanting to preserve their cultural identity and political status, they lacked practical governance experience within territories mainly populated by Han people. A typical way was the establishment of a governmental system similar to that of the previous Han Chinese dynasties. However, different political, cultural, and ethnic structures posed considerable challenges to the emperors in the non-Han Chinese dynasties. Translation thus became an inevitable way to govern and administer a multiethnic and multilinguistic state as well as to maintain the language and cultural identities of the ruling group. In a multilingual scenario, officials in the bureaucracy relied largely on interpreters and translators, if they were not proficient in the languages required. In addition, the communication between the ruling class and the governed also relied on translation. All non-Han Chinese dynasties had translation officials embedded in all different levels of the governmental departments.

Nonetheless, this phenomenon was more typical of the Qing dynasty. As our study has shown, a larger number of translation officials was attached to the governmental agencies during the Qing dynasty. Translation officials had become an essential part of the operation of administrative agencies. More importantly, the results of our study show that the establishment of bithesi and geren giltusi became effective ways to maintain the identities and interests of the Manchus, although this warrants further research. In other words, the division and diffusion of translation officials in the Qing dynasty was a manifestation of the principle of “Manchuria First,” also known as “Manchuria Centrism.”

This article introduced the translation positions of dorgi bithesi, bithesi, geren giltusi, ubaliyambure hafan. These translators were embedded in the official establishment of the government, and they had different ranks in the Qing government system, so their corresponding duties and responsibilities were also different. We argue that these different levels of translation positions not only reflected the different needs for translation in imperial affairs, vis-à-vis different groups and internal communication among the Manchus, but also contributed to reinforce the bureaucratic order. Under the principle of facilitating smooth communication within the imperial government while taking into account the nature of the documents and the rank of the officials, different levels of translators had different remits, and the documents they translated were naturally different. Moreover, as translators in the official establishment, they were not only directly examined for the quality of their translations, but also had sufficient manpower to consult and discuss whenever they encountered difficulties in translation, and they were also bound by ideological constraints. This is one of the main differences between state-funded translation activities and non-government translation activities.

Since this paper focused on translation officials, it does not address translation activities at the organizational level of the state, especially the importance of the Sino-Manchu Translation Office (nei fan shu fang 內翻書房). In fact, the Sino-Manchu Translation Office was not only a translation agency for the emperor, but even coordinated the comprehensive language translations of various departments during the Qianlong reign. In other words, besides assisting the emperor in making final language decisions and accepting the emperor’s language requests, the way it coordinated the translation activities of various departments and provided authoritative language services warrants further research.

With the Sinicization of the Manchus, an increasing number of bureaucrats within the empire were capable of directly using Han Chinese to handle government affairs, and the number of translation jobs was adjusted accordingly. However, despite the fact that some translation positions lost their practical value, they were still used to secure the entry of Manchu young adults into government service (e.g. geren giltusi or shujishi). This practice was not necessary for communication within the empire, but was simply a self-privileged way for the aristocratic élite to avoid fair competition. We have already discussed this in terms of the number of posts, yet more historical data are warranted to support and further corroborate this argument.

Besides, further research is also warranted to analyze how the work of bithesi shaped Qing’s governing other than the self-evident fact that they translated documents between Han Chinese and Manchu, Han Chinese and Mongolian. And more evidence would need to support the claim that the establishment of bithesi and geren giltusi became effective ways to maintain the identities and interests of the Manchus. Finally, the scope of this paper is limited to the relationship between translation and national governance, and does not (yet) involve external translation activities such as foreign diplomacy or external relations.

Chinese-English Glossary

Mongolian-English Glossary

Manchu-English Glossary

About the author(s)

Yuxia Gao is a Lecturer of Translation Studies in the College of Foreign Languages, Ocean University of China. She is the author of numerous articles and book reviews in The Translator, Target, Translation Quarterly, Chinese Translators Journal, Journal of Foreign Languages, Foreign Languages in China, Foreign Language Education, Foreign Languages Research, and other top-tier academic journals. Her research interests include institutionalized translation, state translation program, and translation of maritime political discourse.

Riccardo Moratto (FCIL) is Professor of Chinese Interpreting and Translation Studies at the Graduate Institute of Interpretation and Translation, Shanghai International Studies University, Chartered Linguist and Fellow Member of the Chartered Institute of Linguists (CIoL), editor-in-chief of Interpreting Studies for Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press (外教社), General Editor of Routledge Studies in East Asian Interpreting and General Editor of Routledge Interdisciplinary and Transcultural Approaches to Chinese Literature. Professor Moratto is a conference interpreter and renowned literary translator. He has published extensively in the field of translation and interpreting studies and Chinese literature in translation.

Di-kai Chao is a PhD candidate at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. He obtained his BA in Chinese literature from National Chengchi University (NCCU) in Taiwan, his first MA in Diplomacy studies from NCCU and his second MA in teaching Chinese as a second language from National Taiwan Normal University. He is also a certified professional Chinese language teacher. His research interests mainly focus on Sinophone literature and its relationship with world literature, ghost narrative in contemporary Sinophone fiction and the literary work of Yan Lianke.

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